2007年9月20日 星期四

台灣加入聯合國 台式英文上陣



辜寬敏在美國買下大幅廣告版面,鼓吹國際必須讓台灣加入聯合國,全文我附在文末,請參考。



辜老用意很好,只是原文寫得很長,若實際列印需要5張A4的紙。老實說,若不是很有心想看,大概看到前幾段就想放棄了。好幾位老美部落客看了都搖頭,覺得太「台」式了。不是英文台,而是寫法太台。



光看第一段,開頭寫著:「約有七、八成美國人知道台灣是國家」...這句話就頗讓人起疑,老美地理向來不好,他們連伊拉克都不見得能在Google Earth上指得出來,更何況遠在天邊的台灣呢?



另一個大問題是文章形式。感覺辜老是想以感性的方式來感動老美,但其中許多地方又牽扯出許多過去老舊歷史,一般美國民眾不見得有興趣瞭解,且足足以「散文形式」寫了五頁A4,誰會看得完呢?



你看紐約時報的文章,一般長一點的,大概也是兩、三頁A4紙就差不多了,且這還是美國本地記者寫的文章,內容跟美國本地民眾息息相關的。



現在一個老外來刊登文章,寫得跟八股文一樣長,還給你一個「a long long time ago...」,看幾段實在不知所云...有誰那麼有閒空去慢慢瞭解辜老想說的議題?



再者,辜老又極力攻擊美國政府姑息中國云云,感覺是打錯人了。你好歹針對中國就算了,幹嘛拼命罵美國不幫忙?畢竟國際之間還是有許多現實利益,哪可能非黑即白?



同時間,美國前總統候選人Bob Dole則在華爾街日報投書一篇,要求布希政府支持台灣加入聯合國,這篇在blog圈的反應就比較好,感覺高明許多。一方面這是美國人自己寫的,比較知道老美的口味,一方面文章在論理方面能提出實際數據,以中性態度來說服讀者,而非「牽拖」五四三一堆老故事。



Bob Dole的原文我也附在文末,有興趣者可參考。



台灣最近這一連入聯反聯活動,我看得有些頭昏腦脹,國內媒體基本上各擁其主,很少人說得出一個所以然,連我比較信服的蘋果日報社論都寫得其差無比,看到布希發怒就嚇得要死。



但這兩天看了國際媒體,以及一些老外部落格的反應,這個議題已經有相當程度在國際間發酵開來了。



看來,不管是哪一種公投,反聯也好,入聯也好,這個議題,都非得過關不可了。




------------------------------------



Don’t Put Taiwan’s Democracy and Freedom back into a Box



Koo Kwang-ming 辜寬敏



"A long, long time ago…" are the words that many of the old stories begin with. Today, I would like to share with you a true story about Taiwan that the US and the world have deliberately ignored for a long, long time. I believe that maybe 70 percent to 80 percent of the US public knows that Taiwan is a country. At the same time, however, maybe only 1 percent of Americans know that Taiwan is not a member of the UN, and maybe only 0.001 percent know why this is so.



The truth I want to tell you about is this: our country, Taiwan, has been isolated by the UN in an act of political discrimination that has lasted for more than 36 years. It is the only country in the world to be denied UN membership. The human rights of 23 million Taiwanese have been ignored by the UN for a long, long time, and the US government has helped making it the case.



Just as Ralph Ellison said that African Americans once were the invisible man of American society, Taiwan is now the " invisible" member of the international community. What is worse is that omit to the democratic Taiwan has been living in the shadow of China’s constant threat. China has now deployed almost 1,000 missiles aimed at Taiwan and is threatening annexation of Taiwan at any time.



Although China is a totalitarian and dictatorial communist state, the US unfortunately has sided with the Chinese dictatorship to suppress Taiwan’s democracy. This is both incomprehensible and deplorable. The US government called Iraq a terrorist state and stood up against Iraq when it invaded Kuwait, but chooses to look at China's military expansion and intimidation with one eye closed. I must admonish the US government: "Washington’s appeasement of China resembles nothing but the British prime minister Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement of Hitler prior to the Second World War!"



If "Taiwan is not a state", the U.S. has the responsibility Dennis Wilder, the senior director of East Asian Affairs on the US' National Security Council, recently said that "Taiwan is not a state." This has outraged and humiliated the Taiwanese people. But we also felt a sense of relief when he added that Taiwan issue has been left undecided for a long long time. The U.S. government has finally decided to face a fact that it has turned a blind eye to for half a century. The truth is: Taiwan is a country with 23 million people, who can freely elect their own leaders. We have the capacities to exercise our sovereign powers both domestically and on the international front. The US government’s refusal to recognize Taiwan as a sovereign state cannot challenge the reality that Taiwan has been a sovereign state


for decades.



Moreover, if Taiwan is not a sovereign state in the eyes of US government officials, I must ask if the US has no responsibility for this situation? The 1952 San Francisco Peace Treaty that concluded World War II did not clarify Taiwan's status, and for a long time after, the US approved Chiang Kai-shek's brutal military occupation of Taiwan which imposed 38 years of martial law that left Taiwanese in darkness and isolation.



From the 1950s to the 1980s, tens of thousands of Taiwanese sacrificed their lives and freedom in their struggle to overthrow the dictatorship and to gain democracy and liberty. That heavy price was paid not only for the cause of democracy and freedom, but also because we longed to establish a new and sovereign state as the unavoidable conclusion to centuries of colonial rule and struggle for independence. I think this is something the American people can understand and identify with.



"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." What the Taiwanese people have been striving for the past decades is the realization of nothing but this famous and courageous statement in the United States Declaration of Independence. With the consolidation of democracy in Taiwan, we feel proud to say that we have gradually advanced our causes. We are still working hard toward our goal.



But when the Taiwanese people want to rely on a democratic referendum and self determination to confirm Taiwan's status as a sovereign state, the US government says, "You can't do that." When we want to hold a referendum to manifest the wish of all Taiwanese to join the United Nations, the US government says, "You can't do that." The US government encourages Taiwan to develop its democracy, but also warns us that we can't hold referendums or declare independence, all because of the fear of provoking Beijing. The US government is even opposed to Taiwan having its own constitution, own flag or own national anthem that are necessary for building a nation that can withstand Chinese pressure. Is this sensible? Is this the right message the US should be sending to Communist dictators?



Why democratic Taiwan can’t join the UN? At present, 77 percent of Taiwanese want Taiwan to join the UN and become a member of this family of nations. We therefore hope that the presidential election next year will include a referendum to allow every Taiwanese to use his or her vote to manifest their wish that Taiwan be allowed to join the UN and use the collective will of the Taiwanese people to tell the world that we are not happy with the current situation. This simple and humble democratic expression, however, is forcefully opposed and suppressed by the US government, and this causes disappointment and anger among the people of Taiwan who have placed high hopes on the US and its great people.



Taiwan and North Korea are both countries with about 23 million people. Taiwan’s economic and democratic achievements are something that North Korea cannot match. However, Washington, even without recognizing North Korea as a sovereign state, did not oppose Pyongyang’s UN bid in the 1990s. In comparison, the U.S. government’s treatment of democratic Taiwan is both disappointing and disturbing. Shouldn't the human rights of 23 million Taiwanese be respected? We know that the US opposition to Taiwan’s UN membership is a result of China’s bullying for military tension in the Taiwan Strait. However, if cooperating with China to suppress democratic Taiwan is the best solution that Washington authorities can come up with after 60 years, we must ask if US intellectual leadership on this matter is already a thing of the past.



As long as Taiwan is not a member of the UN, that organization will always suffer from a flaw in its conscience. As long as the US doesn't help Taiwan become a normal country and gain UN membership, it will always carry a stamp of shame.



It’s time for the US to reevaluate its policy on the Taiwan Strait. In 2003, I published a statement in this newspaper telling the US government it was time for a serious reevaluation of its China policy because it is absurd to see a country adhere to a flawed policy for three decades. The status quo in the Taiwan Strait today has changed completely from the status quo of 30 years ago. According to the latest Taiwanese opinion polls, 70 percent of Taiwanese see themselves as Taiwanese and 75 percent think that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign state. The Shanghai communiqué of 1972 which states that, "all Chinese on either side of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of China" was never true.



The US government must take a square look at this political reality lest it keep making mistakes in its Taiwan policy and make serious political misjudgments in the Asia Pacific region The US was completely powerless to stop the massive Chinese military buildup across the Taiwan Strait. But the US is not powerless if it chooses to strengthen Taiwan’s democracy and nation-building that are necessary for the Taiwanese to withstand Chinese pressure. The US can also tell the Chinese that their bullying of Taiwan is counterproductive, that the resultant resentment the Taiwanese feel toward the Chinese will only make the eventual reconciliation more difficult.



Taiwan shall overcome! For the past ten years, China has tried to strangle Taiwan with its military threats and diplomatic blockade. But in spite of their efforts, Taiwan has managed to survive. I want to tell the world that Taiwan still exists! This small and beautiful country still exists in the West Pacific. The mighty Taiwanese people will fight for our beloved country till the end! As God and the American people are our witnesses:We will not be defeated; Taiwan


shall overcome! The constant bullying by the Chinese to deny our identity only hardened our resolve to fight for independence and international recognition!



"You can’t put democracy and freedom back into a box," said President George W. Bush. For all these years, on our way to democratization, Taiwanese people have received enormous support and encouragement from our American friends. As democratic Taiwan requires the moral support of the international community when its people make a free decision on their future, I call on all great Americans and their representatives to tell the US government and the UN:



"Don’t put Taiwan’s democracy and freedom back into a box!"


"Help Taiwan join the UN!"



(The writer was a former senior adviser to the President of Taiwan )


(The article was published in Washington Post and NY Times on September


17, 2007)





------------------------



COMMENTARY



Let Taiwan Join the U.N.



By BOB DOLE


September 17, 2007; Page A16



Tomorrow the United Nations will consider Taiwan's application for membership. It has formally sought admission every year since 1993, but this year's application is different.



First, the country is applying under its own name ("Taiwan") rather than its official appellation ("Republic of China"). Second, it is applying to the U.N. General Assembly, the organization's comprehensive body of member nations -- despite the rejection of its application this summer by U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and his legal office. Third, the application may be followed by a national referendum on whether Taiwan should apply for U.N. membership under its own name -- a plan that has elicited a sharp rebuke by the Bush administration.



The U.N.'s lawyers argued that, having transferred China's seat from Taipei to Beijing in 1971, the U.N. should reject Taiwan's latest application because Taiwan "for all intents and purposes" is "an integral part of the People's Republic of China." Taiwan presents a more compelling legal case: It meets all of the requirements of statehood under law.



It is already a full and productive member of international organizations such as the World Trade Organization and Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. It has never been a province or part of the local government of the People's Republic of China. Taiwan's recent transformation into a modern democratic state supersedes any decades-old determination that gives the PRC a United Nations seat -- even as the U.N. failed to determine that Taiwan is part of the PRC or bestow upon it the right to represent Taiwan.



Taiwan's political case for U.N. membership is equally strong. It is the 48th most populous country in the world. Its economy is the world's 16th largest. Its gross national product totals $366 billion, or $16,098 per capita. With $267 billion in foreign exchange reserves, it is one of the world's three largest creditor states. Taiwan is therefore poised to be a significant contributor to the U.N.'s operations and play a constructive role in the organization.



Unfortunately, the United States and the other major powers discourage Taiwan in its quest for de jure international recognition of its de facto sovereignty. This is because they do not want to raise the ire of the PRC, which, as a member of the U.N. Security Council, can block any significant U.N. action, and, as a global power, can interfere on a host of issues important to the U.S. and Europe.



Thanks to exponentially increased trade with the U.S. and Europe, Beijing feels less compelled than ever to seek political accommodation with Taiwan, or to decrease its military threat against the island nation. Expanding economic relationships may be good in and of itself, but predictions that this would produce political cracks in China's authoritarian regime have proved wrong.



Today, Beijing is using its newfound economic might to isolate Taiwan still further in international organizations and attempt to persuade the two dozen countries that recognize Taiwan diplomatically to switch their ties to China. Meanwhile, the people of the PRC enjoy fewer political rights and civil liberties than in all but a few of the world's countries.



A few short years ago, the U.S. seemed determined to change this. During his 2000 election campaign and the first months of his administration, President Bush and his team vowed to fashion a new foreign policy in which U.S. national interests, particularly in Asia, were advanced less exclusively through the prism of Beijing. In other words, the U.S. wanted to be less beholden to the communist regime.



One of the casualties of 9/11, and the subsequent war in Iraq, was that this policy agenda became less of a priority. Our cooperation with Pakistan in the effort to topple the Taliban, find Osama bin Laden and eradicate terrorism in the region meant that we focused less on developing a higher-tier relationship with India. We also concentrated less on drawing out Japan, by encouraging it to play a more active political and military role on the global stage. Equally important, we were unable to increase our promotion of democracy in the region by fostering closer ties with countries such as Taiwan and South Korea and escalating pressure on Beijing to reform.



The current U.S. administration still has time to correct this omission. Having been an advocate for Taiwan during my time in the Senate, and today as part of a law firm that represents Taiwan's interests in the U.S., I believe that President Bush should support Taiwan's application for U.N. membership. This should be quickly followed by active or tacit support for Taiwan's plans for a popular vote on this issue in March 2008. Our close Asian friend and ally needs and deserves this recognition and support, which would at the same time advance America's regional and global interest in promoting democratization.



Mr. Dole, a former Senate majority leader and the Republican candidate for


president in 1996, is special counsel to Alston & Bird.


2007年9月8日 星期六

龍應台文化基金會:Doreen Weisenhaus 演講有感

今天在龍應台文化基金會聽了一場有關新聞媒體是否太過沈淪的國際演說。

主講人有兩個,一位是曾經在紐約時報當過記者/編輯,現任香港大學教授的Doreen Weisenhaus;另一位則是國內媒體人出身的徐璐。中文主題叫:「民主開放=媒體沉淪?」,英文主題則是:「Responsible Media in Democracy?」

我自己就在媒體,所以對這個議題深感興趣,就跑來聽聽看。

Doreen的演說內容我覺得相當紮實,顯然跟他在紐約時報的訓練有關;徐璐的說法比較混亂。

基本上,Doreen認為 commercialism 在媒體裡面並不盡然代表邪惡;而徐璐則似乎再三強調蘋果日報或壹週刊進來台灣對台灣媒體的水平是一大傷害,導致媒體都利益取向,看讀者愛看什麼就給什麼。

但有趣的是,Doreen其實還蠻認同香港蘋果日報的經營,因為她認為蘋果日報有注意到讀者的需求,且力求讀者能很容易消化新聞,同時給的薪資也是同業裡最高,但表注重新聞品質(薪資高才能吸引優秀人才的加入)。

我十分認同Doreen的看法,截至目前為止,我認為蘋果日報跟壹週刊其實是最具有國際媒體採訪標準的,國內其他包括中國時報、聯合報我覺得都不及格。

會後有Q&A,我猜或許有些學校教授有要求學生來聆聽,甚至發問,因此在場似乎有許多學生模樣的人來聽,我歸結一下印象:

1. 在場起來詢問的台灣大學學生英文程度都非常好,問的問題也相當深入。

2. 有一位是政治大學英國語文系的學生,我覺得有些丟臉。她的英文發音很不錯,但她不斷強調她常聽英國BBC、天天看紐約時報,她覺得國內媒體都很糟,接著問的問題就不知所云,連Doreen都不知道怎麼回答。更糟糕的是,她起來發問,竟然還大膽說,「我忘了你主持人叫什麼名字...」搞什麼啊,你手上沒有主講人的資料嗎?很沒禮貌ㄟ。

3. 有一個白髮蒼蒼級的老人起來問Doreen,能否給「中國」與「中華民國總統」一些建設性的建議...講些有的沒的,也很丟臉,還好Doreen說這個問題她也不知道如何回答。

4. 有個Taipei Times記者詢問,他說社內常會把一些泛綠不好的新聞壓下來,他不知道怎麼辦。這點除璐答得不錯:「媒體是你自己選的,你覺得有違你良心,你就跳到別的媒體就好,何必自欺欺人..」(最後幾個字是我延伸解讀)。

Doreen則認為,記者有時都想搞一個大新聞,但事實上你得先證明你有本事處理那麼大的事件。若社方不允許你寫,你就把事件先做小一點報導,先爭取社方認同,以後社方才能信任你。

讚啦,Taipei Times跟自由時報是同一個老闆,當然是泛綠的很嚴重,但Taipei Times基本上是相當捍衛台灣獨立立場,放在國際上,比較容易讓老外知道台灣的政策立場,我很新賞林榮三有腦子辦出這個英文報紙來。

但這個stupid記者, 說得一口非常棒的英文,腦筋卻跟豆腐一樣,誰曉得你採訪的新聞是不是夠水準呢?不見得壓下來就是不對嘛。若你覺得這是藍綠的問題,你幹嘛不跳去China Post就好了,真是無聊ㄟ,講得好像台灣媒體多虧待有良心的記者一樣...厚。

5. 同時有幾個大學生都問到,國內媒體太不重視國際新聞...很糟糕云云。Doreen的回答很好,她說多報國際新聞本身並不見然是個好事,因為新聞本身就是必須跟讀者有切身關係,所以本地新聞一定是最重要的,諸如紐約時報那種很注重國際新聞的作法即使在美國都是特例,其他的媒體如ABC,CBS等有線電視都早關掉國際辦公室了,也沒在做國際採訪的。

這點我完全舉雙手贊成,許多人都被洗腦洗得很誇張,好像非得看紐約時報,BBC,CNN才是國際新公民。你不知道伊拉克發生什麼事,表示你很無知。事實上根本不是如此。

大概這樣..想到再繼續寫

2007年8月23日 星期四

英文菜不菜,不是這樣看的

說來真丟人,不論新制托福,或者英國的IELTS,台灣的英文程度在亞洲都差不多墊底,整體說起來,連外勞輸出國如菲律賓、、越南、印尼、泰國的英文程度就比台灣好就對了。但這樣的比較有意義嗎?

若要說台灣英文程度低落,只要看看上個月哈利波特「英文版」上市時的情況就可一窺究竟。在台北仁愛店的誠品書店裡,當天清晨一早來排隊買英文版的人,連現場50個有椅子的座位都坐不滿。

現場六點開始有搶答問題的比賽,但很奇怪的是,這明明是英文版的首賣會,但所有開出來的問題卻都是中文,若你是看英文版的,大概很多問題都得靠猜的(因為許多人名、魔法、精靈等翻譯的問題);現場許多外國人甚至要靠旁人有一搭沒一搭的翻譯,或者自力救濟再三確認問題,才有辦法參加搶答。

現場引來媒體記者採訪,我看到好幾位電視台記者跑來訪問坐我隔壁的一位外籍女士,由於這位外籍女士會說中文,記者也老實不客氣開門見山就說,「我的英文不好,可不可以採訪你?」有的甚至問,「我的英文不好,我想訪問另外那一位(外國人),你可幫我翻譯一下嗎?」

多位記者還要求這位會說中文的老外可否待會拿到書後幫忙看結局?結果被老外嗆聲否決,事後老外還私下用英文嘲笑記者,幹嘛不自己買一本來翻看結局?

若連這種很「國際化」的哈利波特英文版首賣都是這副德行,可想而知,台灣的英文實在沒什麼好驕傲。

但英文程度低落又如何呢?我說,其實一點關係也沒有。這一期美國新聞週刊(Newsweek)的封面故事,正好在探討由於中國經濟的崛起,連美國政府都首度出錢拍大學/研究所招生廣告,拿去大陸電視台強力放送,招攬大陸學生到美國唸書。

中國的英文程度在哪?根據昨天IELTS公布的數據,它排在比台灣還後面的第19名。

既然這麼低落,那美國政府為何還要出錢到這個亞洲英文排名倒數第二的國家搶學生呢?難道美國那麼笨?想招收一堆菜英文學生嗎?幹嘛不乾脆去英文排名很前面的馬來西亞、泰國、越南招生算了?

非也,答案其實很簡單,在這個全球化的世界經濟體下中,英文不過是方便彼此溝通的語言媒介而已,其他更重要的還是在個人特質上,比如比腦力、比創意、比開創力、比個人競爭力,這些才是未來畢業後,企業爭相搶奪下手的對象;光是靠英文好不好,其實左右不了全局。

再看五月份出刊的重量級Fortune雜誌,當期做了2007年的全球前500大企業報告。裡面也有一些相當有趣的數字。比如該期封面圖片,是一個由各類廢鐵、報廢主機板、電子開關所創意組成的「500」字樣。編輯特別在內頁說明中提到,光是「500」這三個字所組成的零件就相當全球化,被提到的幾個國家中,其中一個正是台灣。

這份全球500大企業中,台灣涵蓋六個,英文比我們爛的中國涵蓋24個;另一個英文跟我們在伯仲之間的日本有67個;程度只比我們稍好一點的南韓也有14個。

在IELTS排名裡那些英文超棒的亞洲國家,比如馬來西亞、泰國,各只有一家企業入榜;英文程度最好的新加坡不在裡面,更別提其他諸如印尼、巴基斯坦等。

語言有所謂的實用性,英文在台灣的實用性不高,國人即使學了,但用到機會不大,周遭環境觸目所及都是中文,連外國電影也全部中文化了,你說英文怎麼提昇的起來?即使從國外留學回來的,一兩年若沒持續自我加強,程度很快就掉下來。相較於東南亞國家,由於種族眾多,各有各的方言,英文反而成了相互溝通的共同語言。

英文強,的確有優勢,但英文很菜,也不代表在全球範疇內就沒優勢,大家不必庸人自擾。

2007年8月21日 星期二

re:台灣菜英文 落後泰國(so what?)

在聯合報看到這則新聞:

台灣菜英文 落後泰國

(連結可能隔天會失效,故全文轉載於文末)


全文的大意是說,從參加IELTS測試結果來觀察,台灣在前20名中,僅排在17名,等於是最後幾名,所以台灣英文很菜。

我很不喜歡媒體這種論調,不斷強調英文要多好才行,不然不夠國際化云云的,這根本是倒因為果啊。

我先來舉這一期Newsweek的封面故事:「The Race is On」,這是報導美國政府最近首次在中國電視大打高等教育招生廣告,拉攏中國學生去美國唸書。

看看中國在IELTS排名多少?第19名啦,倒數第二名,比台灣還差勁ㄟ。

那美國幹嘛去中國招生呢?英文那麼菜,到美國唸書跟得上嗎?何不去泰國、馬來西亞招生呢?他們英文很不錯,資質應該比較好吧?

非也非也,在國際範疇上,英文的確是共通語言,但其意義也僅止於此而已。語言能力之外,還有更重要的事,包括個人的聰明才智、學習能力,以及創意能力。



亞洲裡面,印度跟中國是兩大熱點,印度的英文程度還不錯,但老實說他們的英文已經深深的地方化了,因此在美國,有些人聽到印度腔還是很頭痛,即使許多美國廠商去印度設立call center(客服中心),他們通常還要針對印度員工做語音矯正。

中國是因為成了世界工廠,因此西方為了低廉的產品,也紛紛過來設廠,這跟英文好不好並沒有關係。

看看IELTS這份列表,第一名的德國不說,第二名之後,包括馬來西亞、菲律賓、奈及利亞、斯里蘭卡、伊朗、尼泊爾、印尼、巴基斯坦...天啊,我敢說台灣的全球地位再怎麼說都比這些國家好太多了。

你說奈及利亞英文有多好?大家都知道奈及利亞利用網路垃圾信進行的詐騙信最多了;馬來西亞、印尼、巴基斯坦英文很好?So what?你去新加坡看看,那來有許多來自馬來西亞、印尼、巴基斯坦勞工,英文都呱呱叫,但社會地位很低,台灣過去的還比較受重視,且受重視太多了啦。

英文只是一個工具,你要學好很容易,不用太過庸人自擾,即使不好也無防,因為除了英文,你可能還有更厲害的能力,而這些能力都不是英文好就能勝任的。

ps. 對了,Newsweek這篇封面故事,還有一部份是針對「中文熱」來評論,因為他們很怕英文已經開始退燒。


----------------------------------------------------

台灣菜英文 落後泰國

【聯合晚報╱記者謝蕙蓮/台北報導】 2007.08.21 03:04 pm





台灣每年有超過萬人,到英國、澳洲、紐西蘭…等英語系國家念書。但根據2006年IELTS學術組統計,台灣人的英語能力,在20個報考IELTS人數較多的國家中,排名第17名,落後鄰近的日本、韓國,甚至比不上越南、巴基斯坦。

英國文化協會表示,IELTS是由英國劍橋大學考試委員會設計,用來評估要前往英語系國家念書者的英語能力測驗。目前全世界一年大約有70萬人次參加測驗,包括英國、澳洲、紐西蘭及部分歐語系國家,都用IELTS來認可外國學生英語能力,美國也有100多所大專,除了托福之外,也接受IELTS成績。

IELTS的滿分為9分,測驗分為聽、說、讀、寫四個部分,測驗分「學術」、「一般訓練」兩組。學術組主要用在申請就讀研究所、大學、專科或其他學校正式課程,一般訓練組主要是針對申請移民。

根據英國劍橋大學統計,去年全世界報考IELTS測驗人數最多(且英語不是主要國家官方語言)的前20個國家。台灣的總成績是5.62分,在20個國家中排名第17名,不但落後鄰近的日本(第12名)、韓國 (第14名),成績也不如越南(第13名)、泰國(第16名),更遠遠落後非洲奈及利亞(第6名)。

20個國家中,成績排名前三名的是德國、馬來西亞、菲律賓;成績落後台灣的三個國家,分別是孟加拉、中國大陸、阿拉伯聯合大公國。

去年台灣的IELTS測驗成績,閱讀的成績最好,平均5.81分;其次是說,5.66分。台灣人英語聽力不理想,只有5.52分;書寫能力更差,只有5.23分。

英國文化協會表示,外國人到英國念書,如果要申請研究所正式課程,IELTS測驗至少要考6.5到7分以上;要申請牛津、劍橋等英國名校,沒有7分以上絕對進不了。

【2007/08/21 聯合晚報】@ http://udn.com/

2007年8月15日 星期三

My Angel 是誰?

馬英九一案出爐了,許多人都寫了許多意見,很精彩,在台灣的「阿兜仔」也貢獻不少意見。

昨天聽聞「不要再浪費司法資源」這種說法時,差點沒笑出來,沒想到今天看到老外也是對此大笑不已:

點這裡

另外,這裡有一篇評議,是目前我看到寫得最棒的,這也是我昨天的疑點,怎麼會扯出宋朝的制度呢?帝制跟民主法治畢竟不同。若有美國司法判決拿歐洲中世紀制度來當作依據,我很難想像這會是什麼情況:

請看這裡

2007年8月13日 星期一

馬英九Long Stay的錯誤示範

前陣子馬英九的long stay之旅搞得如火如荼的時候,我心裡一直有個疑問:「long stay?」那不就代表馬英九把台灣當作他出國旅行的暫時居住地之一嗎?

通常講「long stay」,我第一個浮現的印象就是:泰國。很多歐美人士都喜歡去泰國long stay,那裡物價便宜,人民大體還挺友善的。

在自己的國家內是不用「long stay」的,因為你本來就可一輩子住在這裡,自由進出,沒有「long」或「short」的問題。

怪的是英文聽說很強的馬英九並沒有在第一時間就釐清,反而任由媒體每天long stay個沒問沒了的,今天我看到一個老美寫的blog就點出這個「long stay」字眼背後圖顯的心態:

Meanwhile Ma too was looking back into the past, but in a very different and more revealing way. Ma Ying-jeou finished his "long stay" in southern and central Taiwan at the end of last month. The very phrase is suggestive of how Ma views Taiwan outside of Taipei -- as a kind of hostile territory where his residence is a temporary foray necessitated by the exigencies of electoral politics, rather than a visit to a place in his own country.

2007年8月10日 星期五

Harry Potter:英國版跟美國版有什麼差別?

網友來問我說,英國版跟美國版有差嗎?

我起先以為只有封面、頁數、價格的差異。但後來討論後,發現還真的有差別。

哈利波特美國出版商還特別列出兩種版本之間的差別

我仔細看了一下,發現這些差異都極為細緻,大概只有英美土生土長的人才區分得出來吧?就像這種區別有點向台灣跟中國,都是說中文,但有些詞彙就用得不太一樣一般。

舉例:以下以混血王子來看(Harry Potter and the Half-blood Prince)

a far-distant country (英)
a far distant country (美)

兩個用法的差異只有一個標點符號:也就是far跟distant之間是不是要加入連結號。

woman called Narcissa (英)
woman named Narcissa (美)

這個也是,英國人習慣用called,美國人習慣用named。這兩種用法我都有在使用,但我從來不知道英美之間對這種的差異可要求到這麼細。

use of Polyjuice Potion (英)
use of the Polyjuice Potion (美)

以前在唸書時,曾看文法書說,最難的就是如何使用 the 的問題。現在看來,英、美對何時使用也是有歧見的啊...haha

avoiding each other's gaze (英)
avoiding one another's gaze (美)

若從文法書來看,each other是用在兩人對看,one another是用在多人互看;但從這裡來看,互用其實無妨啊。

sunlight streaming on to his lap (英)
sunlight streaming into his lap (美)

我記得這種on 啊,into也是蠻煩人的;但這裡,同樣的情況,一個用on to,一個用into,都可以嘛。若我來選,我應該是用on to。我猜可能台灣以前學校的教法是偏英式居多。

'Outstanding' in Defence (英)
"Outstanding" at Defence (美)

對於 in 或 at,這種區別也是很細緻,但英美還是都有習慣用法,看來差異都是在很細微之處啊。

Ron and Harry's new robes (英)
Ron's and Harry's new robes (美)

喔,這個連我也考倒了,我應該也是用第一個。

as though he were a particularly (英)
as though he was a particularly (美)

嗯...我會用前者,但後者看來也ok啦。

還有一整串,有興趣的自己連過去看看,蠻有趣的細微差異。